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  • Title: DataLife Engine > Printable version> First Announcement First Day Stage One
    Descriptive info: Magrabi.. Net.. > الصفحة الرئيسية, بيانات, ***مرصد حالة الديمقراطية***, بيانات, الأنتخابات البرلمانية >.. First Announcement First Day Stage One.. 28-11-2011, 16:25.. Author:.. nabil.. P.. arliamentary Elections 2011-11-28.. First Announcement.. First Day.. Stage One.. Prepared by.. The Independent Coalition for Election Observation.. People Headed to Polling Stations.. Organizational and administrative errors might.. be indicators of the inefficiency.. and incapability of the.. Highest Commission to monitor the election process.. Various transgressions and violations occurred.. that might lead to the annulment of the elections.. Unprecedented participation of voters.. Personalized initiatives to report transgressions and mistakes.. Two thousand four hundred and twenty observers and supervisors are present at numerous election stations.. These observers are affiliated to The Egyptian Association for Community Participation Enhancement (EACPE) which is a member of the Independent Coalition for Election Observation that comprises Cairo Center for Human Rights Study and Center for Proper Communication Means for Development.. These aim at observing and watching the election process since 17.. 5 million Egyptians are headed to 3307 polling stations in the following governorates: Cairo, Kafr el Sheikh, Damietta, Alexandria, Asuit, Luxor, Red Sea, Port Said, El Fayoum.. Voters are nominating 56 representatives for independent seats, 112 representatives for various parties' lists which add up to 168 seats that comprise 34% of the members of The Council.. Evidence of Transgressions One Day before Assigned Day for Elections:.. Operational rooms for election observation in several constituencies such as that of the Red Sea, Asuit, and Luxor received complaints from voters that many of the cards handed for voters were neither signed nor stamped.. These cards were shared by means of social  ...   people.. Organizational and Administrative Errors Might Be Indicators of the Inefficiency and Incapability of the Highest Commission to Monitor the Election Process:.. The Coalition has previously released warnings about its doubts regarding the ability of the High Commission to monitor the elections.. Those doubts are based on the Commission's experience (in observing and controlling fair elections) which is minimal.. Operational rooms for election observations have received several notifications of violations that passed unattended to such as in Fayoum governorate many constituencies (Senourus, shakshook, Senhoor, Batn Ahrees, Kasr el Gebally) voting cards did not arrive till ten o'clock likewise in Cairo in some constituencies as in Heliopolis, Ain Shams, El Matarya, and Nasr City.. In addition some voting stations have not received their voting boxes as in Hadayek el Koba (Ahmed Maher School, El Fateh School, Haroon El Rasheed School).. Also election stations in Engineering Faculty in Shobra, El Mansheya and El Gomrock in Alexandria, and Shobra School have received unsigned and unstamped voting cards or application.. Voting committee in Frere School is running the election without its president who has left the station for unknown reasons.. Security:.. Chaos prevailed before election.. Police officer shot bullets in air in Dar el Salam in El Mamarya School in response to people's agitation and objection since station was not open till 10 o'clock.. In Bank Alexandria School in Helwan there were commotion and unrest because station opening was delayed and voters were not allowed in till 10 o'clock again.. This commotion led to the death of a soldier.. Operational Room for Election Observation.. 28.. th.. November 2011.. 30 am.. Back..

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  • Title: DataLife Engine > Printable version> Crisis of Human Rights in Egypt The Bitter Results of Ten Months in the Grip of the Military
    Descriptive info: > الصفحة الرئيسية, بيانات, ----------برنامج التربية علي حقوق الانسان, بيانات >.. Crisis of Human Rights in Egypt The Bitter Results of Ten Months in the Grip of the Military.. 26-11-2011, 18:04.. Crisis of Human Rights in Egypt.. The Bitter Results of Ten Months in the Grip of the.. Military.. A Joint Statement by 12 Rights Organizations.. Cairo, 25 November 2011.. On the 19.. of November, 2011, Egyptians took to the streets and squares of Egypt once more in peaceful protest, demanding a true civil, democratic state consistent with their dreams of last January.. These peaceful, unarmed protestors were met with excessive force by police and soldiers of the armed forces, leading to the deaths of dozens of Egyptians and the injury of more than 3000 others.. The reality on the ground is that the SCAF is adopting the very policies and methods of the Mubarak regime by repressing protests and sit-ins, using excessive force against peaceful demonstrators, killing dozens of unarmed civilians, carrying out arbitrary arrests, and exploiting the media to defame civilian forces and human rights defenders, while at the same time exaggerating the social power of some extremist Islamist groups with the aim of frightening Egyptian society and the West into conceding to the.. de facto.. order.. These strategies are all too reminiscent of those of the ousted president.. Over the past 10 months the SCAF has been actively engaging in reproducing and creating unprecedented new methods of repression in Egypt, the likes of which were not seen even during Mubarak s era.. During this period the military police has been involved in acts of extrajudicial killing that took the lives of dozens of innocent civilians.. The Maspero massacre, during which 27 civilians most of them Copts - were mercilessly killed by forces of the military police, is just one incident among several in which the military and police officers have fired live ammunition at unarmed civilian protestors.. Additionally, during these protests, thousands of civilians have been arbitrarily arrested and sent to exceptional military courts.. These trials have become systematic, as over 13 thousand civilians, among them thousands of peaceful protestors, activists, and bloggers, have been investigated by military officers.. Mikhail Nabil and Alaa Abdel Fattah are only two prominent examples of thousands of other cases in which civilians have been prosecuted and sentenced within one hour and without legal representation to serve between 1 to 5 years in prison.. When detained and imprisoned, some have been subjected to torture and other forms of inhumane and degrading treatment, by both police officers and military soldiers.. The infamous case of virginity tests performed on young female protestors in order to label female activists as prostitutes is just one example of maltreatment that was not know in Egypt until now.. Indeed, torture in post-revolutionary Egypt has not disappeared; rather, it continues to be widely and systematically practiced just as it was before the revolution.. The victims of torture are political activists or civilians detained on fabricated charges of thuggery, most of whom belong to the social forces which call for democracy and a civil state.. Moreover, after the January revolution the military police has joined the institutions which have long carried out torture and has been directly involved in many of these violations.. Enforced disappearance of political activists is also on the rise.. Activists are being abducted by security and/or military officers, blindfolded, and taken to unknown places to be investigated.. The victims whereabouts remain unknown until their cases receive publicity.. Only then are they released.. These violations take place in a climate of impunity and absence of accountability mechanisms.. Complaints filed at the prosecutor s office are usually dismissed or intentionally neglected.. Victims and their families including those who were killed or injured during the 18 days of the revolution are put under constant pressure by the perpetrators to drop their charges.. Furthermore, the current regime is still unable and unwilling to prosecute the members of the Mubarak regime for the crimes that they committed during the past 30 years.. Mubarak s trial appears to be a farce, with his acquittal more likely than his condemnation as a result of insufficient gathering of evidence and investigation and the lack of protective measures for witnesses.. It is clear that the SCAF does not possess the real political will necessary to ensure a system of accountability for pasta and on-going violations, as Mubarak is only tried for human rights violations committed between January 25 and February 2, without any attempt at accountability for the crimes against human rights which were committed during his thirty-year reign.. It is important to note that the public prosecutor s office, which has the power to bring charges against Mubarak and other officials from his regime, has not undergone any reform; the current prosecutor s office is working with the same composition as under the Mubarak regime.. These are the same prosecutors that used to play a pivotal role in concealing crimes of torture, enforced disappearances, and extrajudicial killings, while at the same time actively prosecuting the regime s opponents, including Ayman Nour, Saed Din Ibrahim, and many young political activists, such as Alaa Abdel Fattah in 2006.. As a result, the perpetrators of past human rights violations are still enjoying their freedom and even power, which they utilize to restrict the already narrow margin left for freedoms..  ...   believe in the concept that they are working for the society and not for the government; this only means that these organizations are working against the government," and that: "working against the government signifies working against the state.. ".. Neither the performance of the SCAF nor of the government has changed from that of the Mubarak regime in terms of respecting economic and social rights.. Following several promises to issue a law guaranteeing the freedoms of trade unions and workers, the proposed law was never issued and implemented.. Rather, after issuing a decree to dissolve the General Federation of Trade Unions of Egypt, another decision was issued to return it to work once more.. Moreover, the promises of implementing a minimum wage were likewise never realized.. Perhaps the only difference between the violations committed by the Mubarak regime and those committed by the SCAF is in the targets of the violations, for while Mubarak primarily targeted religious extremists, the SCAF has begun to treat their leaders as advisors who assist in solving sectarian crises and who lend the SCAF further aid in the form of popular support.. Meanwhile, the SCAF employs all forms of repression including extrajudicial killing, torture, arbitrary arrest, forced virginity tests, and military trials against victims who are mainly either media professionals, bloggers, liberals, leftists, or rights activists, or ordinary citizens and soccer fans who do not belong to any political faction and who simply demand freedom and democracy and respect for human rights.. And while the SCAF has not implemented the law even in cases in which extreme religious groups have committed crimes which threaten the social peace between Muslims and Copts, as seen when extremists destroyed the church in the village of "Soul" over a period of two days without any reaction from the authorities, the SCAF and military police forces used excessive violence and deliberately killed a group of Coptic demonstrators in front of the Maspero building who were merely protesting the destruction of another church by extremists in the town of "Marinab" in Aswan.. It is in this repressive climate permeated by gross violations and unprecedented attacks against civil society that the parliamentary elections are scheduled to take place on the 28.. of November and continue in stages through 13.. of January 2011.. This does not bode well for the prospects of free and fair elections and disparages hopes for democracy.. In particular, the attacks and threats against NGOs both hinder them from adequately monitoring and documenting the ongoing violations and threaten their ability to monitor the elections and participate in the creation of a democratic system.. Indeed, Egyptians did not take to the streets and squares of Egypt once again in the second chapter of the January 25.. Revolution only because of their doubts about the fairness and impartiality of the coming elections and their lack of confidence in the authenticity of the results.. Rather, they continue to demonstrate against a series of continuous violations to human rights, in rejection of all of the practices of the Mubarak era which the Egyptian Revolution sought to eradicate.. For these reasons and in order to find a way out of the current crisis, the SCAF must immediately implement the following:.. Put an immediate end to all forms of the violence, extrajudicial killings, and arbitrary arrests which have been carried out by the SCAF and the Ministry of Interior against the opposition, and especially peaceful protestors;.. Transfer all authorities of the SCAF to a temporary civilian government until transfer of authority to an elected government and president can take place;.. Task the Supreme Judicial Council with performing an independent investigation into the crimes committed against protestors in all cases since the 12.. of February, particularly the crimes committed against the young Egyptian women who were subjected to virginity tests, the crimes of the Maspero Massacre, and the crimes of killing of protestors in Tahrir Square since the 19.. of November.. The investigative body formed by the Supreme Judicial Council must have the authority to perform investigations with officers and soldiers of the armed forces as well as with the SCAF.. Put an immediate end to military trials of civilians and ensure the release of those arrested for the sole purpose of expressing their opinions.. Additionally, civilians with recognizable criminal offences should be referred to civilian courts and be presented in front of the judicial authorities of appropriate jurisdiction.. Apply the rule of law and due process guarantees in dealing with sectarian violence and ensure prompt and legal action against incitement to religious hatred.. Immediately end the state of emergency and allow for a thorough review of all laws that directly affect people s rights and liberties, including martial law.. Protect and advance the components and pillars of a civil state and involve all sectors of society, particularly civil society groups, in a transparent and constructive dialogue on critical decisions concerning the transition phase and the shaping of the country s future.. Signatories:.. The Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies.. Arab Penal Reform Organization.. Arabic Network for Human Rights Information.. Association for Freedom of Thought and Expression.. Egyptian Association for Community Participation Enhancement.. Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights.. Egyptians Against Religious Discrimination.. Habi Center for Environmental Rights.. Hisham Mubarak Law Center.. Nazra for Feminist Studies.. New Women Foundation.. The Human Rights Association for the Assistance of the Prisoners..

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  • Title: DataLife Engine > Printable version> "Press Release " Bloody Elections
    Descriptive info: > الصفحة الرئيسية, بيانات, ----------------برنامج تنمية الديمقراطية, ***مرصد حالة الديمقراطية***, بيانات, الأنتخابات البرلمانية >.. "Press Release " Bloody Elections.. 24-11-2011, 19:19.. Bloody Elections.. Some Party Lists Candidates Suspend.. Their Electoral Campaigns Act of Political Life.. Corruption to be Issued After the End of Electoral Process.. Press Release.. Cairo, 23.. 11.. 2011.. The Egyptian Association for Community Participation Enhancement (EACPE) presents its deep condolences to Tahrir square martyrs families and all families of martyrs all over Egypt (martyrs of the second round of the Egyptian revolution); those who faced deliberate murder by security forces.. 33 Egyptian martyr and thousands were injured, some with impairments.. Security forces used lethal/toxic gases to break up the sit in, in addition to using excessive force against protesters, including firing at their eyes.. The EACPE calls for referring whoever killed or caused injuries to Egyptians to a faire and just trial.. The EACPE is confident that regardless their position, who committed a murder against Egyptians or their revolution, will not face impunity.. Unfortunately those crimes are taking place with the blessings of the Supreme Council for Armed Forces, who is in charge of the transitional face, with the incitement of state owned media against protesters all over Egypt.. In spite of the mourning state of Egyptians over martyrs and injured, the state of chaos, lack of transparency, and the doubt in the intentions of security forces accused of killing and injuring unarmed Egyptians, the Supreme Council for Armed Forces, in many statements, and in the last statement of the head of the Supreme Council for Armed Forces confirmed holding elections in its pre-set time, 28.. of November 2011.. Also, the head of the Higher Committee for Elections stated that the Committee is ready to hold elections in time.. All of this is astonishing,  ...   terms of the law on the ex-NDP candidates even if some of them succeeded in elections.. This is a continuation of the chaos scenario and lack of experience in managing the transitional phase from the Supreme Council for Armed Forces, and the failure of the Higher Committee of Elections in running the parliamentary elections for 2011.. The EACPE, a member of the Independent Coalition for Elections Observation, issued five (5) reports and ten (10) statements with its notes on the 2011 parliamentary elections; EACPE sees that elections will not achieve a real democratic transition in Egypt, nor it transitioning from a tyranny to a plural democratic regime.. In all case, it is enhancing the terms for a conventional parliamentary elections, as if the Egyptian revolution didn t take place.. As if we are facing a ruling from the Supreme Constitutional Court, or this is just a decision from Mubarak to dissolve the rigged 2010 parliament, and holding new elections.. Even if this is the case, we are will have elections contradicting all international standards for faire elections, in a very deteriorating political environment, freedoms restrictions, corrupted legislations, non-independent Higher Committee for Elections and security forces killing Egyptians with cold blood, sure of impunity.. The EACPE calls upon the Supreme Council for Armed Forces to postpone the 2011 parliamentary elections for a month, and refer all accused of killing and injuring Egyptians in the 19.. November incident to trial, and accuse them of first degree murder.. Also EACPE calls upon the Supreme Council for Armed Forces to vow on protecting Egyptians during casting their votes.. EACPE also urges the political powers in Egypt, who still insist on holding elections in unstable conditions to approve upon postponing the first stage of elections supposed to take place on the 28..

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  • Title: DataLife Engine > Printable version> Invitation for the Press conference Announcing the progress report of the 1st phase of monitoring 2011 parliamentary elections
    Descriptive info: > --- >.. Invitation for the Press conference Announcing the progress report of the 1st phase of monitoring 2011 parliamentary elections.. 17-11-2011, 17:44.. "The 2011 Parliamentary Elections:.. Between Organizational Blundering and the Complications of the Political Scene".. Press conference.. Announcing the progress report of the 1st phase of monitoring 2011 parliamentary elections.. Invitation.. November 17, 2011.. The Independent Coalition for Elections Monitoring, which includes both the Egyptian Association for Community Participation Enhancement and the Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies, will hold a first press conference to declare the achievements of the first phase of monitoring of the 2011 parliamentary elections.. The conference will take place next Saturday, November 19, at 10:30 a.. m.. at Dr.. Mohamed Sayed Said Hall at the Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies (21 Abd Al-Meged El- Remaly - next to the Egyptian Chamber of Commerce - Seventh Floor - Flat 71 - Bab El Louk - Downtown Cairo).. The first report of the monitoring of the 2011 parliamentary elections will refer to all of the irregularities and violations that occurred since the nominations were opened.. The results of the  ...   monitoring of the electoral process, which includes monitoring 14 constituencies under the individual system and 26 constituencies under closed party lists system with the help of 3000 local observers in 24 governorates all over Egypt.. Meanwhile, the Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies is monitoring visual and printed media performance during the elections process.. This will be accomplished by examining the neutrality of the coverage of the elections of 7 private and state-owned television channels as well as three religious channels (including both Muslim and Christian channels), in addition to reviewing 6 daily and 4 weekly national and independent newspapers.. This project is being carried out by 20 media monitors.. **N.. B.. Simultaneous translation from Arabic to English will be provided.. !--[if !mso]> !--[endif] --> !--[if gte mso 9]> Normal 0 false false false false EN-US X-NONE AR-SA MicrosoftInternetExplorer4 !--[if gte mso 9]> !--[if gte mso 10]> !--[endif] --> !--[if gte mso 9]> !--[if gte mso 9]>.. "The 2011 Parliamentary Elections:.. Announcing the progress report of the 1.. st.. phase of monitoring 2011 parliamentary elections.. at.. Dr.. Simultaneous translation from Arabic to English will be provided..

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  • Title: DataLife Engine > Printable version> referendum on the constitutional amendments l The first statement
    Descriptive info: > بيانات, بيانات, الاستفتاء علي التعديلات الدستورية >.. referendum on the constitutional amendments l The first statement.. 19-03-2011, 15:00.. The first statement.. A large proportion of participants Corresponding weak preparations And abuses of the Brotherhood in the publicity and their impact on voters.. In the framework of the activities of Monitoring the State of Democracy at the Egyptian Association for Community Participation Enhancement, the association followed the General Acts of the referendum process, which started this morning Saturday, March 19, 2011, in 17 governorates of the republic and they (Cairo - Giza - October - Helwan - Qaliobya - Alexandria - ElGharbya - Bani Suef - ElSharqya- Aswan - Qena - Assiut - Suez - Dakahlia - Kafr El-Sheikh - Monofya - Port Said), at 40 general electoral committees for, with number of 500 observers, many of whom took their permits from the Supreme Judicial Committee supervising the referendum, some of them are monitoring under the mandates of Egyptian Association for Community Participation Enhancement after the Supreme Judicial Committee rejected the extraction of more than 300 permits for the association s observers.. In the first test of freedom for the Egyptian people after the January 25th revolution masses of Egyptian citizens poured to the polling stations to vote, but they did not find enough preparations from behalf of the authorities responsible for the organization of these elections as many of the committees were very late to open their doors which were supposed to start by 8 in the morning, also they were marked at the early hours by the increase of the participation rate, , and many of our observers in a large number of committees did not find stamps on the ballot forms and guiding some of the Supervisors of the Committees the voters to vote yes, and the presence of propaganda before the commissions carried out by the Muslim Brotherhood to influence voters outside the committees and inside some committees, and our observers in the province of Assiut the night before the referendum found referendum forms lying next to the polling stations and they registered a record of the incident.. The observations of our observers as follows:.. First:.. The logistical preparations of the referendum were not as should have been, also a large number of committees were delayed from the starting appointment at the eighth, as  ...   City first district there were a delay for an hour, also at the school of Miet Aqaba at Nile Valley Agouza many forms were non-sealed.. In the committee of serum and vaccine in Dokki the papers are not sealed and in the School Joseph Jadallah at ElHaram area, and the Commission of Irrigation departement Giza, as well as the School of Uthman ibn Affan, ElMatar Street at Imbaba as well as in the school of Om ElMo mnien Secondary Girls at Tanta In also at ElMostaamara school at Elzawya district and in the Committee of ElAwqaf , Agouza.. Also our observers monitored at a number of committees that the boxes were not closed, such as at the Commission of Abdullah El-Nadeem at the seventh district at Nasr City , besides the presence of wooden boxes at the School of Business Transactions at El-Falaky area.. A large number of people registered records at the police stations to prove the existence of formswhich are not sealed in a lot of committees, while some sections of the police refrained from the registering of such records.. Secondly: With regard to the prevention of our observers:.. our observers were prevented from entry in the Shaimaa girls School, where the army did not accept the officer entering the committees and asked them for statements from the armed forces, In the committee of Nabawya Mousa, the judicial committee supervising the elections prevented our observers, who are three observers.. Third: The abuses of the Muslim Brotherhood in the publicity and in influencing the voters:.. In Al-Zahra and Kerdasa schools the Muslim Brotherhood mobilized a large number of people who were carried in buses directing them to vote yes, until reaching the committees to vote in masses without the use of curtains and in the School of the Sars El-Layan Union the Brotherhood distribute propaganda papers before the committee to vote yes, and our observers observed the presence of posters for propaganda to yes to the referendum within the Commissionof the Electoral school Abdel-Moneim Riad ElOmranya district in the name of the Muslim Brotherhood, our observers monitored at ElSharqya governorate of Minya El- Qamh center at the junior high school boys from a group of Brotherhood members are inviting voters, especially the elderly and illiterate people to vote yes.. Operating room Saturday, January 19, 2011.. 11.. 00 am..

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  • Title: DataLife Engine > Printable version> People Demand…Monitoring the Referendum
    Descriptive info: People Demand…Monitoring the Referendum.. 13-03-2011, 11:27.. Cairo, March 10, 2011.. People Demand Monitoring the Referendum.. What the Egyptian people have done on the 25th of January is a real inspirational revolution for the whole world.. Egyptians have set a constructive model to follow for all peoples of the world demanding liberation.. Consequently, the Egyptian Association for Community Participation Enhancement (EACPE) believes that the achievements of the great 25th of January Revolution should be maintained and enhanced in order to accomplish its main goal of having a democratic state that protects social justice.. EACPE urges all Egyptians to participate in the coming referendum on the constitutional amendments, whether by voting for, against or for having a new constitution.. Hence, EACPE decided to be part of this  ...   per democratic values that respect the people's will.. As an effective step to develop Egypt, EACPE calls upon the Egyptian Youth, which made the purest revolution in history and impressed the whole world, to participate with us in monitoring the referendum of the constitutional amendments.. We accept volunteering requests (including name, address, mobile number, a scanned copy of the National ID and two personal photos in order to issue a permit to access polling stations) on the following:.. Address: 13 Fareed St.. off Al-Thawra St, Al Keyad Al Moshtaraka, Heliopolis, Cairo- Egypt.. Telephone: (+2) 02 2290 9903.. Fax:+2 02 2415 05 46.. Mobile:.. +2 011 390 8447.. +2 012 766 5452.. +2 016 097 6404.. +2 012 829 0250.. +2 012 868 3801.. Email: referendum@mosharka.. org..

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  • Title: DataLife Engine > Printable version> From Civil Society Organizations the Supreme Council of Armed Forces is urged to open the doors for democratic transformation and secure accountability of the Mubarak regime
    Descriptive info: > بيانات, بيانات, بيانات >.. From Civil Society Organizations the Supreme Council of Armed Forces is urged to open the doors for democratic transformation and secure accountability of the Mubarak regime.. 2-03-2011, 14:26.. The undersigned Egyptian human rights organizations are closely following the efforts of the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces as it manages the country s affairs in this difficult period, during which the council must assume its responsibilities and honor its vows to respond to the demands and aspirations of the Egyptian people as expressed in the January 25 revolution.. Additionally, it must face the repercussions of the overthrow of the Mubarak regime and the disintegration and suspicious withdrawal of the security establishment that accompanied it.. The Council must also expose and curb the catastrophic consequences of theft, financial and administrative corruption, and the ruination of the country s political life perpetrated by a broad network of interests, including the office of the presidency, prominent figures of what was previously known as the ruling National Democratic Party (NDP), and influential leaders within the parliament and the executive branch.. We realize that the armed forces acted as a pillar of support for the Egyptian revolution, helping to achieve its first goal of the removal of the former president and the dissolution of the People s Assembly and Shura Council, which were stigmatized and delegitimized by flagrantly fraudulent elections.. Nevertheless, the undersigned organizations feel growing concern about the path being taken in the transitional phase, which should presumably lay the foundation for a democratic, civil state that respects human rights the overriding goal for which Egyptians made costly sacrifices.. In this context, we make the following observations:.. Making a clean break with the former dictator's regime required the immediate removal of the government created by him to mislead the people and contain their revolution.. Attempts to repair this government with piecemeal changes will not dispel the legitimate fears many people feel about the political survival of certain figures close to the deposed president and cannot so easily shirk their responsibility for both the wide range of crimes committed during Mubarak s tenure and the criminal misinformation campaigns designed to discredit the goals of the revolution and incite against those who were part of it.. Making a clean break with the policies and crimes of the Mubarak regime, restoring the rule of law, and subordinating state institutions to that law requires more decisive, transparent steps to hold accountable and punish figures responsible for crimes and grave abuses committed under Mubarak s regime in public and fair trials.. We regret to note that measures taken thus far seem selective and not aimed at establishing a legal system for accountability and punishment or announcing facts to the public.. In particular, the undersigned organizations note severe shortcomings, or at the very least an unjustified secrecy, surrounding the measures that must be taken to ensure accountability for major crimes, first and foremost:.. a) The identification and prosecution of those responsible for issuing orders to open fire on demonstrators.. b) The identification and prosecution of those responsible for giving the green light to acts of murder and paid thuggery in the name of loyalty to Mubarak.. c) Making public the facts surrounding the agencies and persons responsible for the suspicious withdrawal and disappearance of police forces and the release of prisoners and criminals from prisons, which left the country vulnerable to widespread looting and theft.. d) Former Information Minister Anas al-Fiqqi must be prosecuted for his responsibility in managing the media campaigns aimed at misleading public opinion, smearing participants in the popular revolution, and the xenophobic campaign inciting hatred of foreigners.. Confirming the legitimacy of the demands of the Egyptian labor movement  ...   respected, particularly the freedom to establish political parties, trade unions, NGOs, and all forms of media.. The undersigned organizations note with regret that the desire on the part of the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces to complete its mission as soon as possible is liable to lead to the establishment of constitutional institutions in a manner that differs little from those under the Mubarak regime and will do little to enable the forces and youth movements that led this revolution to express themselves politically in new political parties and independent media.. Indeed, as it currently stands, the outcome of the coming elections will continue to be disputed by the ability of NDP members to mobilize factional sentiment and money and the organizational ability of the Muslim Brotherhood to employ religion and charitable work to attract votes.. We further stress that the blood shed by Egyptians to confront tyranny and restore their freedom and dignity makes it indispensable to provide a climate and adequate safeguards to ensure the realization of their aspirations by engaging in a real democratic transition and the construction of genuine constitutional institutions the noble goals for which they shed their blood.. The democratic transition process under the joint leadership of a presidential council and a new civil government should enjoy the wide partnership of the people represented in the forces that led the revolution women and men and the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces.. This needs opening an institutional dialogue with political parties and groups and civil society, led by youth groups who have instigated the revolution.. The dialogue should not be reduced to discussion with individuals and must provide the opportunity for the widest societal dialogue to make the aspired future.. The undersigned organizations stress that the democratic transition requires the rapid formation of a temporary presidential council composed of independent civilian figures along with a representative of the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces to assume the task of forming a transitional, technocratic government.. The presidential council should form a constituent assembly responsible for drafting a new constitution that reflects the aspirations of the Egyptian people, as expressed in the revolution, for a civil state that is impartial toward all religions and beliefs and the establishment of democratic parliamentary governance.. This council should also immediately take the necessary measures to ensure the exercise of civil liberties to enable equitable and fair parliamentary and presidential elections, based on the principle of equality and non-discrimination on the basis of sex or other considerations, and guarantee representation and expression for opinions and ideas across the political spectrum.. The undersigned organizations stress on the importance of putting in place sufficient guarantees for the representation of youth and women in the interim civil government and the constituent assembly drafting the new constitution.. We caution that holding elections after only minor constitutional revisions threatens aspirations for a real separation and balance of powers and runs the risk of preserving the same dictatorial prerogatives enjoyed by the president in the suspended constitution, with no accountability or genuine parliamentary oversight.. This threatens the perpetuation of the same autocratic system, only without Mubarak and some of his supporters.. Signatures:.. Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies.. Al Nadim Center for Treatment and Psychological Rehabilitation of Victims of Violence.. Alliance for Arab Women.. Appropriate Communication Techniques for Development (ACT).. Association of the Women Development Forum.. Cairo Center for Development.. Center for Egyptian Women s Legal Aid.. Egyptian Foundation for Family Development.. Helwan Foundation for Community Development Bashayer.. Hesham Mubarak Law Center.. Human Rights Association for the Assistance of Prisoners.. Land Center for Human Rights.. Nazra Association for Feminist Studies.. New Women Foundation.. Women and Memory Forum.. Youth Coalition of the Egyptian Revolution..

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  • Title: DataLife Engine > Printable version> EACPE filed an appeal against the head of Supreme Committee for Elections
    Descriptive info: > بيانات, الأنتخابات البرلمانية >.. EACPE filed an appeal against the head of Supreme Committee for Elections.. 22-11-2010, 15:32.. 22 November 2010.. The Egyptian Association for Community Participation Enhancement (EACPE), a member of the Independent Coalition for Elections Observation, filed an appeal No.. 7072/65 J before the "first constituency for individuals".. The appeal was filed against the head of Supreme Committee for Elections due to the fact that he abstained from implementing the passive decision of granting monitoring permissions for the Legislative Elections 2010 for EACPE.. The appeal also challenged Res.. 57/2010 regulating the issuance of election-monitoring permissions for Egyptian Civil Society Organizations (CSOs), as this resolution confines the monitoring process to only the voting and counting processes but EACPE demands that this resolution becomes absolute and allows monitoring to all phases of the electoral process.. EACPE has submitted a request to the Supreme Committee for Elections on 1/11/2010, requesting the issuance of 967 permissions for EACPE's  ...   in monitoring the electoral process.. The Committee determined in its decision the date on which attachments should be sent by CSOs, but did not mention the date on which CSOs should receive the permissions.. The committee also put loose and inaccurate conditions such as good behavior and neutrality despite the fact that there are no mechanisms through which the Committee can make sure that these conditions are met by the CSOs.. This means that the Supreme Committee for Elections will have to recourse to administrative and security entities to make sure these conditions are met.. Resorting to administrative and security could repeat the same scenario of the Midterm Elections for the Shura Council 2010, in which independent and neutral CSOs were excluded from the monitoring process.. EACPE has delegated attorney Mr.. Khaled Ali, the director of the Egyptian Center for Economic and Social Rights, to appeal against the resolution of the president of the Supreme Committee for Elections..

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  • Title: DataLife Engine > Printable version> Press release EACPE Issued The First Report on Campaigns of the Candidates for the Legislative Elections
    Descriptive info: Press release EACPE Issued The First Report on Campaigns of the Candidates for the Legislative Elections.. 21-11-2010, 15:24.. Press release.. 21 November 2010.. The Egyptian Association for Community Participation Enhancement (EACPE), a member of the Independent Coalition for Elections Observation, issued a report on campaigning works done by the Legislative Elections 2010 candidates.. The report included the two decrees, 56 and 58 for the year 2010, issued by the Supreme Committee for Elections; the main remarks noticed by EACPE's field observers are as follows:.. Neither the Supreme Committee for Elections (SCE) nor the Ministry of Interiors, which supervises the registration phase, published the names of candidates in two daily and widely distributed, newspapers as per the stipulations of article 9 of Law no.. 38/1972 regarding People's Assembly.. This is due to the fact that administrative courts in different governorates have issued verdicts inserting some candidates, whose documents were rejected by the Ministry of Interiors, or were not registered in the final lists.. Security Directorates dodged implementing the aforementioned administrative courts' verdicts through the Ministry of Interiors challenging the verdicts before incompetent courts to stop implementing them.. These verdicts cannot be stopped from being implemented through challenging before the Supreme Administrative Court.. Some of the governorates that abstained from implementing the verdicts are 6th of October, Alexandria, Dakahleya, Monufey, Minia and Kafr Al-Sheikh.. There was contradiction between the Supreme Committee for Elections' decrees regarding implementing the administrative courts' verdicts.. At first, the  ...   in campaigning.. This proves the lack of mechanisms through which the Supreme Committee for Elections can implement its decisions, resolutions and decrees, or hold the violators accountable for not respecting these decrees.. It also appears that the committees formed by the Supreme Committee according to decree 56/2010 do not exist and cannot implement the decrees.. The powers and authorities of the Supreme Committee for Elections in organizing campaigning were transferred to administrative and security authorities, which prevented electoral marches, used excessive force in separating protesters and prevented opposing political trends from using their slogans, holding conferences or placing their banners; especially the Muslim Brotherhood candidates, while in the same time NDP candidates were allowed to freely practice all methods of campaigning.. The absence of reformative social, economic or political agendas was noticed during campaigning.. Candidates only distributed food among the poor and used shallow statements such as "the available MP, the services MP, your brother etc).. This reflects the crisis of the political life in Egypt.. The main trait for the coming Legislative Elections is the intense conflict between different "wings" of the NDP.. That was crystal clear in the mutual violence, libel and slander between NDP candidates in different constituencies, as well as the absence of banners that include the two candidates of the Labor and the Professional seats in the same constituency.. The report includes the observations of the Coalition's field observers for campaigning in a number of constituencies..

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  • Title: DataLife Engine > Printable version> The First Report on Campaigns of the Candidates for the Legislative
    Descriptive info: > تقارير, الأنتخابات البرلمانية >.. The First Report on Campaigns of the Candidates for the Legislative.. 21-11-2010, 15:10.. Download the Full Version By Clicking on the next photo..

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  • Title: DataLife Engine > Printable version> The Fifth Statement On The Fourth Day Of The Opening For The Candidacy Phase (Registration)
    Descriptive info: The Fifth Statement On The Fourth Day Of The Opening For The Candidacy Phase (Registration).. 8-11-2010, 12:13.. On The Fifth Day Of The Opening For candidacy Phase (Registration).. The Independent Coalition's observer s team headed to monitor the elections in 19 governorates in their security directorates to monitor the fifth and last day of the stage of nomination door of the legislative elections that is set to be held on the 28th of November 2010.. The Coalition issued daily statements on the stage of the opening of nomination door and shortly will issue a detailed analytical report about the whole phase.. The following are the notes of the Coalition's team about the fifth and last day of the stage of the opening For The cadidacy:.. The security directorates in different governorates have shown their bias to those presenting their nomination papers and belong to the ruling NDP.. , where it imposed security cordon over the directorate since 3:00pm and prevented those wishing to nominate from reaching the nomination headquarters to present their papers in the governorates: Monofya, Menya, Qena, El Behira and El Gharbia.. On the other hand, it allowed those wishing to nominate from the NDP to enter from 3:00pm to 6:30pm which is a direct violation to the Minister of Interior's decision that set the last date to accept the papers at 5:00pm Sunday the 7th of November 2010.. Also, some directorates have set certain rooms for the NDP secretaries as what happened in the security directorates of: Cairo, Giza and Helwan.. The increase in the security intervention at the closing of the stage.. , as Mr.. Mahmoud Senousy who was supposed to present his papers (worker- independent- Bandr El Menya) has filed a complaint to the Coalition, stating that he was held from 3:00pm until 5:30pm inside the headquarter of the directorate and he was not allowed to present his nomination  ...   Suez and so the security forces has closed the streets leading to the headquarters of the NDP in the governorate and three of the demonstrators were arrested.. In Luxor, and after the announcement of the results of the NDP Electoral College and the choice of Wael Zakaria (professionals Isna), there has been altercations between his supports and the supports of his opponent that ended with the police forces intervention.. Female candidates in the last day of the stage of opening the elections door:.. the dominant feature was the facilitating the procedures of accepting their nomination papers in the governorates, with the exception of Mrs.. Iman Ramsy Faheem (professionals- independent- El Behira Quota seats) who couldn t present her papers and went to the Supreme Committee for Elections , but she was expelled and humiliated despite her dependency on the appeal 988 for the 1965 of the Administrative Judicial Court in Cairo, with a case similar to hers.. In Giza, Mrs.. Soaad Abdel Salam (professionals- independent quota) was incapable of presenting her papers, since after the responsible employee has received her papers, it was given back to her for no reason what so ever.. She headed to Giza Judicial complex to file a law suit.. In Cairo, Mrs.. Gamila Ismail headed to Cairo's security directorate to present her papers on (quota south Cairo- independent- professionals), and also on Qasr El Nile constituency on regular seat independent professionals and her justification is that the law doesn't prevent her from applying to two quota seat and regular seat, which led to the confuse of the committee of accepting papers and then it was clarified that she can't apply to two different constituencies and finally she applied on (Qasr El Nile seat- professionals- independent), she stayed for a long time in Cairo's security directorate and refused to leave before knowing her electoral sign and receiving her electoral card..

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